Welcome to ‘New India’

Wish you a very happy independence day!

On a new journey…towards a ‘New India’, we are being ably led, being guided all the way

This ‘New India’ will be something like we have never seen before

Or is it that we have been seeing it so often that our eyes have now dulled and turned sour?

 

They say that truth emerges out of deep and constant churning of a lie

And that pain needs to be inflicted to a point of numbness….only then does it succeed in suppressing and stifling a cry

In the ‘New India’ that we are being led into on this day

All confusion shall be cleared, we shall be cured of all the silly thoughts that play havoc with our minds and make us lose our way

 

We keeping on harping upon our freedom of thought speech and expression

Without ever understanding its real import, instead interpreting it in any random fashion

On entering the ‘New India’, for the first time we shall understand

The real meaning of freedom, the actual interpretation that would now be the law of the land

 

Freedom of thought was never meant to mean that we shall be entitled to our thoughts

That we could not be incarcerated to hold on to our views, no matter what;

It very clearly meant the freedom from the very process of having to think

We were free from the huge burden that ‘thinking’ was forcing us to shoulder, we were free birds now; free to rejoice in our new found freedom, everything had changed in a blink

 

We had all along actually been misinterpreting the freedom

The real meaning had only now been revealed, all along, some insidious forces had succeeded in keeping it hidden

Now that it was clear that what we enjoyed was the ‘freedom from thinking’

Anyone who dared to hold any independent thought would be automatically doomed from the very beginning

 

Now that the rules of the ‘New India’ are suitably clear to you

Don’t cry foul tomorrow when your thoughts are policed and held up against you

For you were the ones who had wanted this freedom all along

This ‘New India’ is the culmination of all your dreams and struggles of the innumerable years all gone

The Faltering Humanity

They had neither coveted for the stars nor for the moon,

At most, they would have just wished to regain their health soon.

So that they could get back to the ‘normal’; be that normal be exciting or mundane,

At least it was better than lying sick in a room, experiencing all this pain.

 

They didn’t think what they were wishing was something very special,

For they had been falling sick and getting well umpteen number of times, it was all very casual.

 

They were mere kids….eager to grow up…to form a part of the world of adults,

For the adults had seemed to them all-knowing and knowledgeable, whose world rarely had time for all their fuss.

They did want to grow up, because they would also then gain legitimacy,

Their thoughts and words would then have a meaning…. Right now they were only kids who rattled and prattled with annoying frequency.

 

The adults had thought of them as mere fools unaware of real serious things in life,

They had gleefully kept up the facade; after all, their future lives would anyway have their usual share of strife.

 

But in the safe haven of their hearts,

They had harbored numerous dreams and thoughts.

Some of them wanting to lead ordinary routine lives, as their parents were doing,

Earn their living, take care of their families, such responsible roles they were for themselves envisaging.

Some others had some special ambitions hidden in their hearts,

Of touching the skies, becoming this and that, having their names written in history, before this world they depart.

 

Lying in that hospital room that day, restless to be cured and out of there soon,

Some would be sleeping, some awake, some already thinking what they would do when they were out of this gloom.

Oblivious were they of the developments in the adult world,

Naïve in their belief that hospital was a place where one went to get cured.

How could they think otherwise? This is what they had always been told,

They had read it in books, heard it from their teachers, their parents, who had them completely to this idea sold.

 

Although not completely understanding the adult language when they spoke big words like duties and rights,

Still they knew this much that if they were born, they had the right to breathe, no one in their sane mind could deny it to them, try how much ever they might.

 

What did they know, how naïve were they,

How grossly they had underestimated the adult world, which was much more capable of turning everything into ‘child’s play’.

 

Capable of conveniently forgetting its duties,

The duties for which someone was being paid by the day.

Capable of murder of innocent little children,

And calling it by innumerable other names, so that its deeds could remain hidden.

Capable of trivializing and politicizing almost everything under the sun,

Because humanity and tenets fundamental to human existence were increasingly on the run.

 

Into the permanent state of silence though they have now been forced to enter,

This deafening silence will continue to haunt us forever.

For there is no place to run from one’s conscience,

No place that will be able to provide, even for a second, any shelter.

The Story of our tryst with fasts

As Medha Patkar and other Narmada Bachao Andolan activists continue their peaceful and non-violent protest by going on an indefinite fast, for just rehabilitation (as mandated by the Supreme Court of India), to be provided to the 40,000 families affected by the closing of sluice gates of the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP) dam, the state administration has replied by using violence against the activists and arresting and re-arresting them. The central government has not deemed it fit to intervene in the matter and the mainstream media finds it unworthy of coverage, other than small bits of references here and there.

The alternate media, activists and some of the general public are increasingly concerned though, as the duration of the fast is gradually increasing and the state government rather than trying to engage in a constructive dialogue with Medha Patkar and her colleagues, is, on the contrary, using all kinds of repressive measures to drown out any voice of protest.

With concerns for Medha ji and her colleagues’ health prevailing and the state government not looking inclined to relent, I got thinking about the history of our tryst with fasts, and their responses by the authorities in power.

Just as non-violence was popularized by Mahatma Gandhi as a potent tool to fight injustice, similarly, fast unto death was a tool he used quite often as a part of his satyagraha. Those were pre-independence times, and almost always did Mahatma Gandhi succeed in drawing the attention of the British authorities to his demands, leading to a dialogue and emergence of some sort of a resolution to the situation which had forced him to undertake the fast in the first place. (Dr. Sunilam makes the same observation in his article, which can be found on the URL: https://sabrangindia.in/article/medhaji-govt-worse-british-please-break-your-fast).

One of the fasts he undertook was against the provision of separate electorates for the Untouchables, whom he called Harijans, which led to the signing of Poona Pact of 1932, between him and Dr. Ambedkar. Though, this particular fast undertaken by him was not seen in favourable light by many, as it was felt that he betrayed the cause of the untouchable community, however, it could not be and was not ignored and some sort of a resolution was resorted to.

Another fast, probably his last, was the one he undertook to convince the independent Indian government to not withhold from the newly independent nation of Pakistan its rightful material dues, after the Partition. Though the Indian government was irritated and frustrated with his demand, yet it acceded to it and gave Pakistan all its dues.

He similarly succeeded in establishing Hindu-Muslim unity, howsoever precarious, in Noakhali in Bengal, by undertaking a fast unto death.

There may be various reasons for Mahatma Gandhi’s success with this instrument of indefinite fasts. One may be his stature at the time, such that no-one wanted to even imagine the consequences of his perishing as a result of one of his fasts. Another reason may be the fear of the British of losing their legitimacy if they dealt with such a situation in an excessively stern manner. Or maybe the fear of the public backlash that would follow if Mahatma Gandhi was allowed to succumb to one of his fasts was too big a fear for the British, or anybody else, to not take his fasts seriously. A third reason may be a genuine concern and love for the man and the impossibility of losing him so. A fourth reason may be that a semblance of humanity was still alive and a human being’s life was valued for what it was worth.

We shall now come to some incidents where people have resorted to indefinite fasts in independent India, and the response by the authorities in power to such fasts.

Akshay Brahmachari, an avowed Gandhian, and the Secretary of the Faizabad District Congress Committee in 1949, undertook two fasts in order to convince the government of the communal hatred being spread in Ayodhya by Hindu fundamentalists. The first time when he undertook the fast, he was persuaded to end it giving some reassurances which never, however, materialized. The second time, the government though sounded concerned, yet it did-not take any concrete steps and he was forced to end his fast by two fellow Gandhians who feared for his health.

Potti Sreeramulu is another name which is inextricably linked with fast unto deaths. He undertook the same for creation of an independent Andhra state and lost his life in the process. Three days after his death, the creation of an independent Andhra state was announced by the Central government.

Talking of fasts, the name of Irom Sharmila is registered in the annals of history. She went on a hunger strike for 16 long years against the draconian AFSPA in Manipur. The state response was to keep her in confinement and force-feed her through a nose-tube. AFSPA has remained in effect in Manipur and the North-East all this while.

Anna Hazare undertook various fasts throughout his career, most well-known and widely supported being for the passage of the Jan Lokpal Bill. Although the Lokpal and Lokayukta’s Act was enacted in 2013, however, according to Anna Hazare and its team, it is far from the draft proposed by them. Though Anna Hazare’s version of the bill also received criticism, however, his fast became very popular and the government was wary of using extremely repressive tactics against the movement.

Analyzing all of these cases, apart from Gandhiji’s fasts, it appears that the response to indefinite fasts has been varied.

The longest and yet the most delegitimized has been the hunger strike undertaken by Irom Sharmila. Even after 16 long years of fighting for the repeal of AFSPA, she could not achieve her objective. A possible reason for this may be the unanimous stand of the Indian state, irrespective of the political party in power, against the dilution of AFSPA in J&K and North-Eastern states. This is an indication of the increasing domination of the concept of mechanical nation-state over the concept of real humanity, something that Rabindranath Tagore, so strongly, guarded against.

Coming to the ongoing fast by Medha Patkar and others, and the response of the state government to the same, some peculiar observations straightaway come to mind. Firstly, the blatant and brazen disregard of Supreme Court strictures, and its continued inability to get them implemented, is pretty unprecedented. Secondly, use of violence against peaceful protestors, after failing to break their resolve by ignoring them for days altogether, is against all norms of functioning of a democratic state where rule of law is supposed to prevail. Thirdly, the silence of the central government on the entire issue is again a tactic that has been increasingly used by the present dispensation, indicating its tacit support to the state government. The saddest part is however, the baffling silence of the so-called fourth pillar of our democratic state, supposed to be independent from the other three –the mainstream media - in unequivocally condemning the state on its response to this situation.

This is probably another warning signal making us aware of the fledgling condition that our democratic state has been reduced to, and purposeful destruction of institutions that is being resorted to, silently yet unequivocally. It is high time we understand this grand design and be suitably guarded against it.

 

PS: To read about the tryst of current Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s tryst with fasts (who is the key to resolving the present impasse and is stubbornly refusing to do so), please refer to this link - https://scroll.in/article/840357/mp-farmers-stir-how-shivraj-singh-chouhan-pulled-a-fast-one-and-not-for-the-first-time. It is a very interesting read!

Heroes and Sheroes of Plural India: Akshay Brahmachari

The Babri Masjid – Ram Janmabhoomi dispute is not unknown to many. However the sordid details of what happened on the night of 22 December 1949, the preparations that went into achieving what was achieved that night, what happened in its aftermath and the various characters involved and the roles played by them, may not be very widely known. “Ayodhya: The Dark Night – The Secret History of Rama’s Appearance in Babri Masjid”, a book by Krishna Jha and Dhirendra. K. Jha, researches and documents in detail, the cast, characters, plot and story of what happened at the Babri Masjid site in 1949 (Jha & Jha, 2012, 2016). In this entire account of deceit and the communally charged atmosphere that was created, there was one man who stood out and fought for communal peace and harmony, and did it till the very end of his life.

An avowed Gandhian, Akshay Brahmachari was Secretary of the Faizabad District Congress Committee in 1949. He made numerous attempts to first prevent and subsequently douse the communal flare up that was threatening to engulf Ayodhya at the time. The authors of the book write:

“As early as in the middle of November 1949, when the communalists were busy digging up Muslim graves and desecrating the graveyard outside the mosque, Brahmachari personally visited the spot and raised the issue with District Collector K.K.K. Nair, unaware that everything was happening with the connivance of the administration. It did not take him long to realize the truth. For, barely hours after he discussed the issue with Nair, a group of communalists barged into Brahmachari’s house and assaulted him brutally.”

Although he could not prevent the installation of the idol in the mosque, which was installed on the night of 22 December, 1949, by Abhiram Das, however, it did-not deter him and he continued his fight for truth and justice, writing a memorandum to the then UP Home Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, on 20 February, 1950, hinting at the complicity of the District Magistrate, K.K.K. Nair in the process.

The authors further write:

“He persisted with his protest even if it meant travelling all alone, for all those who mattered in Ayodhya and Faizabad seemed to have ganged up against the mosque, and Muslims were too frightened to come out in his support. Communalists, who roamed the street of Ayodhya without any fear, started calling him ‘Islamophile’ and ‘the real trouble maker’, and within days, Brahmachari was forced to leave Ayodhya. Once he left, the mob broke open the lock and occupied his house.”

Even after this, he continued to liaison with the higher-ups trying his best to undo the damage that had already been done and to prevent any further damage to the Hindu-Muslim relations. However, his attempts didn’t yield any concrete result. And so, following in the footsteps of Mahatma Gandhi, he decided to fast unto death.

The authors write:

“On 17 January 1950, a day after Gopal Singh Visharad’s suit seeking permission to use the Babri Masjid as a temple and calling for an injunction against the removal of the idol from the mosque was admitted in the civil court of Faizabad, he wrote a short and straight letter to Lal Bahadur Shastri, expressing his distress at the government’s reaction to the developments in Ayodhya and declaring his intention to sit on a fast unto death from 26 January 1950 to force the government to take appropriate action in the case.”

Due to 26 January, 1950, being the day when our Constitution was adopted, he could not begin his fast on that day. However, he began his fast on 30 January, 1950, only four days later. Attempts were made to discredit the fast, however it could not be ignored. Due to assurances given by Lal Bahadur Shastri, he agreed to end his fast on 4 February, 1950.

Even after this, seeing that the situation wasn’t improving, he continued to write to Lal Bahadur Shastri, sending him reminders after reminders.

The authors further write:

“Simultaneously, Brahmachari took the battle to Delhi. On 8 July, 1950, he had a long meeting with Nehru to whom he explained in detail all the happenings in Ayodhya and Faizabad as well as the apathetic attitude of the provincial government.”

 Jawaharlal Nehru wrote to Shastri and directed Brahmachari to talk to him. However, nothing concrete emerged out of this too. And so, he wrote to Lal Bahadur Shastri intimating him of his desire to renew his fast on 22 August, 1950, which he began as promised. This fast to be a much longer one and continued for thirty-two days. The issue was discussed and debated in the legislative Assembly again and again, however, still no concrete promises were given.

The authors note:

“Akshay Brahmachari, therefore, continued with his fast, which had already entered its fourth week. He had become very weak, and his health was deteriorating fast. It was in these circumstances that two prominent Gandhians of the time – Vinoba Bhave and K.G. Mashruwala – intervened to prevail upon Brahmachari to end his fast.”

Akshay Brahmachari broke his fast on 22 September, 1950. However, his struggle for communal harmony did-not end with the fast and continued till the end of his life.

The authors finally state:

“He spent the rest of his life attempting to resolve the Babri Masjid – Ram Janmabhoomi problem and to deepen the roots of communal harmony. But it was a silent struggle all through. And when he died after a prolonged illness in Mayo Hospital in Lucknow on 28 April, 2010, only a small group of his friends and his long-term companion Meera Behn felt the loss. The Akshay Brahmachari Ashram in Chinhat on the outskirts of Lucknow still carries on the mission the Gandhi of Ayodhya had set for it.”

Such are the unsung heroes who have faced all adversities and stood tall for peace and communal harmony. Their lives need to be retrieved from the annals of history, committed to memory, told, re-told and again re-told for generations together, and celebrated for all their worth.

 

References

Jha, K., & Jha, D. K. (2012, 2016). Ayodhya: The Dark Night - The Secret History of Rama's Appearance in Babri Masjid. Harper Collins Publishers.

Heroes and Sheroes of Plural India – Suresh Bhagat and Girija Devi, Muhammad Zahir and multitude of common people

I am dedicating this piece to all the common people who, in their small but significant ways have stood up for peace and communal harmony that unequivocally underlines the cultural heritage of this nation.

I would first like to share a news report that I came across while reading a newspaper back in 2014. The link to the news report, featured in Indian Express, is given below:

http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/left-behind-by-muslims-a-tomb-now-has-hindu-caretakers/

The news report is about a Hindu couple taking over the maintenance and upkeep of the mazaar of Baba Hazrat Wazidali Shah Rahmatuallhe Allaihe after about a dozen Muslim families were forced to flee Hindu-dominated Pakkisarai village following the 1989 riots. The tomb, according to the report, is situated on the Bhagalpur-Kahalgaon Road. This family is taking care of the mazaar since 1989. Girija Devi continued her husband Suresh Bhagat’s legacy after his death. She acts as the caretaker of the mazaar and stays in a hut near the mazaar.

When I read this news item, I felt that it would not be possible for anyone to discredit this gesture. I felt that this gesture of this Hindu couple could only be appreciated. I don’t know whether this is true or not, but on reading the online version of this story I found some comments by certain readers that I felt should not be left unanswered.

One of the comments reads, “this hindu family got the business with no investment now since dargha as more customers income must be good but since there is no muslim in village this dargha should be razed to ground” ( http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/left-behind-by-muslims-a-tomb-now-has-hindu-caretakers/).

I don’t have anything to offer to people with such mentality, but only a prayer for their speedy recover from the disease of blind and senseless hatred that is eating up their very being.

Some other comments read, “Muslims on the other hand, would have demolished the "infidel" structure or converted it into a mosque long ago”, or “Bring me the proof of the where "muslim head of village performs all rituals of durga pooja”?” ( http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/left-behind-by-muslims-a-tomb-now-has-hindu-caretakers/).

I felt that there was a need to satiate the desire for proof expressed by this person. And so in search for that ‘proof’, I hit upon this story, the link to which is provided below:

https://thelogicalindian.com/story-feed/get-inspired/a-human-who-takes-care-of-both-shiva-temple-and-masjid/

I think, the story of Mohammad Zahir, the caretaker of Lord Shiva temple in Khandwa, Indore, along with the dargah there, is enough ‘proof’ to quench anybody’s thirst.

If still there remains a doubt in anybody’s minds on the deeply entrenched nature of communal harmony in our country, here is something that one should at least cursorily go through once:

http://www.thebetterindia.com/37927/communal-harmony-in-india/.

 

The short point that I am trying to make here is that we have inherited communal harmony, respect for each-others’ faiths and beliefs and an inherent instinct to stand by each-other in hours of need, through our rich cultural heritage. This is the hallmark of our culture, an inseparable part of our ‘nationalism’. Our love for our nation cannot be ever separated from our inherent trait of living in communal harmony. This is what defines our nation, and will always do. Anything contrary to this is completely unnatural to our national characteristic. And come what may, howsoever slow and gradual the process might be, the natural characteristics of a people or a nation cannot be destroyed. All attempts at doing so will only make these rise back with double force, and shine even brighter than before. It will only need a bit of effort from our side, to keep on spreading the message of peace and communal harmony, to ensure that our real past and history remains alive and is not allowed to be forgotten or erased, and to create a future that is secure from all hatred and false propaganda, and truly defines what our rich culture and people really stand for.

Heroes and Sheroes of Plural India – Irom Sharmila Chanu

Irom Sharmila Chanu is not someone who is yet a part of only history books. She is very much a contemporary personality, living and breathing right now, as I am dedicating this piece to her. However, she is very much a super-shero of plural India. Her life story is also not hidden from anyone, so there is nothing new that I have to share about her. Having said that, I have my reasons of wanting to write and talk about her as a part of this series. That reason is to remind oneself and everyone around, of how demanding and at the same time how thankless we can be towards the very ordinary people who dare to step out of their comfort zones and do the extra-ordinary. The reason is also to remind oneself and everybody of the ever-widening gap between the mechanical functioning of the nation-state and the human values that are attached to each and every living being. The reason is also to again acknowledge the sheroic efforts made by the strong-willed lady in trying to talk humanity to those who operate mechanically, devoid of any emotions. The reason is also to thank her for all the efforts that she made solely out of a sense of solidarity with those that were and are suppressed and treated shabbily, not even being granted the basic human rights. The reason is to tell her and the world what an inspiration she has been for people like me and may be many others. The reason is to celebrate her and remember her with gratitude and undying fondness.

She had seen naked death, unbound and unfettered. She had seen human lives wasted, ending with a blink of an eye, terminated with a random gunshot, lying motionless in a pool of blood. She was awestruck, dumbfounded with the meaninglessness of it all. That was the moment it all began. That was the moment she realized that the privilege and comfort of ‘routineness’ would elude her forever. For she was unable to eat after that, not being able to pass that morsel of food down her throat. That was also the moment when the journey from ordinary to extra-ordinary would begin for her, a fast unto death for the repeal of the draconian AFSPA in Manipur. This was a journey that had never been a part of her plans, a journey in which many would join her, a journey that was now her life but that she would never be allowed to be in charge of. She would soon be placed on a pedestal she never intended to be on, she would be transformed from a living human being, with all her weaknesses, emotions, her frailties, into a goddess that was not allowed to possess in any of those. She had begun this journey in a child-like hope, a hope of a future for herself and her people that would not hold in its womb unspoken horrors of death and destruction, but the seeds of a life full of beaming promises and endless opportunities. She had a hope that she and her people, who were as equal as anyone else, who had as much right to a normal and ordinary life as anyone else, would be allowed to do that, to live a life that was normal. She, who had not been able to eat at first, had thought that may be this was a sign, may be her giving up food would be it, the push that was needed, the nudge that would change her and her people’s future, for good. She had believed unflinchingly in Mahatma Gandhi, his non-violence, his numerous fasts that had changed lives and made histories. This was the child-like hope she harbored. Child-like, because she had been unaware of the world she was breathing in, she was unaware of what this innocent wish could lead to. She was unaware that she could be charged for trying to commit suicide, she was unaware that she could be force-fed like an animal, she was unaware that she could be confined to a life of isolation within the four walls of a solitary room, she was unaware that such unthinkable callousness, apathy and insensitivity was possible to be displayed by human beings. Yet she soldiered on, not letting that flicker of hope die within her, for sixteen long years she survived, stealing tiny little moments from life, when she felt love, joy, hope and promise, all the emotions that each and every ordinary human being was entitled to feel. But she had forgotten that she had been catapulted out of the ordinary, not because she wished to but because others thought it should be so. It had been decided that she was not allowed to feel, to live, to love, to laugh, to be an ordinary human being again. That she could only be a goddess now, devoid of all human emotions. That her life could no longer be governed by her wishes but by everybody else’s. Then one fine day she decided. Decided that she wanted to live, to love, to laugh and to cry, to be human again. She wanted to marry and to have kids. She wanted to struggle but not how she had done for the past 16 years. She wanted to do it in a different way, in a way she thought would be more fruitful. She thought may be this was the way that could help her hopes be realized, her hopes for herself and her people. The goddess had decided to become a human again, and what a scandal that was. She was disowned and discarded, by those who proclaimed to love her, by those who hated her and buy those who were indifferent. She was left alone to make whatever she wanted of her life, it was inconsequential and useless for them now. She was also threatened that she would be robbed of this life if she dared to live it on her own terms.

However, she remained undeterred. She went ahead and declared that she would be participating in the very democracy that had chosen to ignore her for 16 long years. She declared that she would be fighting elections in Manipur, the state and the people she had fought for all these years. And she fought. And then she lost. And lost comprehensively, managing only 90 votes. Her reaction: ‘Thanks for 90 votes’. These are not just four simple words but hidden in this sentence is her complete personality and also the personality of the people she stood for.

I have nothing to say to her. Except a big Thank You.  Thank you Irom Sharmila Chanu, for being what you are. Thank you for reminding me the meaning of life.

Heroes and Sheroes of Plural India – Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain

I would like to begin this piece by first delineating the importance of this initiative for me, the importance of again celebrating the plurality of this nation, the importance of revisiting the glorious chapters of our past, some widely known, some less so, and some, may be, completely unknown. The significance of indulging in this exercise, especially now, can at best only be understated. First and foremost, it can never be out of context to remember and to celebrate those on whose shoulders we are standing today and are being able to look as far ahead as we are able to. Secondly, in the present day and age, when the fundamentals of existence are themselves being challenged openly, when an attempt is being made to rob the nation of its longstanding and most natural cultural heritage of plurality and peaceful and harmonious co-existence, when histories are being re-written and statement of facts being convoluted and contorted to the extent that they become totally unrecognizable and when there is a conscious attempt to direct the collective energies of the nation only in these directions, then it is high time that what is actually significant and meaningful is brought to the forefront. Revisiting the lives of these sung and unsung heroes and sheroes will familiarize us with our past, will inform us of the multitude of people that have existed in the past and achieved that which might have seemed almost impossible if seen within the context of the day and age, will inspire us to move towards our goals with renewed vigor and will celebrate what is really worth celebrating - the tireless efforts of people to uphold the rich cultural heritage of our nation that has taught us to stand for plurality and for amelioration of the ills plaguing our society, those of differentiations based on caste, religion, gender, language, region, ethnicity etc. This series, for me, is a celebration of those who have dared to dream and have fought against all odds to try and realize their dreams. Some of these have fought for religious and communal harmony, some have fought for amelioration of gender differences, some have stood for the rights of ethnic minorities, and so on and so forth - the list is endless. Some of the people figuring in this series, and their work, may be very well known, some may be those who are known but their work and their message forgotten and some those who are as yet unknown or little known, despite having done significant work.

Through this article, I wish to discuss the life and work of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain. Some would have heard about her, some would have read about her and her work and some probably would not be knowing about her. There are various existing competent sources that aptly talk about her life and her work. My purpose here is to not say anything about her that may not be existing in the public domain already. My purpose, however, is to try that more and more people get to know about her and the tremendous contribution made by her towards women education, specially, Muslim women.

“Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain was born sometime in 1880 in the district of Rangpur in a village called Pairaband in British Indian Empire.  She was also known as Roquiah Khatun at birth.  Her father Zahiruddin Mohammad Abu Ali Saber was well educated, bilingual and a landowner.  Rokeya’s father had four wives and her mother was Rahatunnessa Sabera Chowdhurani.  Chowdhurani birthed two sons and three daughters, of which Rokeya was one.” (Hakeem, 2015).

 

Rokeya was born in a traditional conservative Muslim family of Bengal in British India (now in Bangladesh). As was the prevailing custom in those times, the education of girls was not given much importance. Even if considered worthy of being imparted any kind of education, it was felt that women need to be educated either about religious matters or about their duties as wives, mothers, daughter-in-laws and homemakers. Born in such an environment, Rokeya was blessed to have the unfettered support and guidance of one of her elder brothers and her elder sister. “At the dead of night when the entire household was fast asleep, Rokeya’s brother would teach her Bangla and English secretly under the glow of candles. Rokeya could learn Bangla due to the assistance and encouragement that she received from her elder sister Karimunnessa, a lady of great qualities and extraordinary courage. (Murshid 172) In an era when women’s education was frowned upon, Rokeya’s brothers secretly taught her to read and write English and Bangla.” (Mahmud, 2016). “Rokeya‟s second phase of inspiration came from her husband Sakhawat Hossain. He was highly educated, progressive and a real gentleman who believed in the education of women. He always inspired her and opened a wider world to apply her dream with courageous steps. Under Sakhawat’s influence Rokeya began to write about her thoughts on social issues of womanhood and women’s degradation. (Hossain 79)”. (Mahmud, 2016).

Though lucky to have such positive influences in her life, Rokeya was also unfortunate to lose her husband and her two infant children, at the age of five months and four months. Yet, with her daunting and unwavering spirit and strength of character, she went on to read and write and produced works that were much ahead of her times. She also opened a school for Muslim girls and campaigned widely for women education, especially that of Muslim women.

“Rokeya’s writings are not voluminous but full of significance. Her literary career starts in 1902. The first composition is “Pipasa” (The Thirst). Most of her writings are in Bengali. These include two anthologies of essays, satires, short stories which are entitled Motichur and divided into two volumes– Motichur- I (1904) and Motichur- II (1922), a novel– Padmarag (1924), Avarodhbasini (1931), a narration of 47 historical and true events of the miserable plight ad indignities which women have suffered in the name of purdah. She also wrote a few works in English. The most famous of those is Sultana’s Dream (1908). Other than Sultana’s Dream, she also wrote two essays– “God Gives, Man Robs” (1927) and “Educational Ideals for the Indian Girls” (1931) which were published in The Mussalman magazine. Besides, she has some unpublished essays, short stories and comic strips. She also wrote several poems in various magazines.” (Mahmud, 2016).

Her most popular work, Sultana’s Dream is a fictional work where she dwells into a utopian world in which the roles of men and women have interchanged. Comparing the practice of purdah to seclusion, in Sultan’s Dream, Rokeya creates an imaginary world called ‘Ladyland’, where men are so ‘secluded’. “On page fifty-seven of Sultana’s Dream, I will summarize her story as a simple story of a woman that is dreaming and happens to visit a land where men are confined in a system called

mardana and women bear the responsibility of advancement in society.  The land is called

“Ladyland,” where there is law and order.  The land is devoid of violence, corruption and crime. 

The people of “Ladyland” have learned to appreciate Nature and treat each other with respect and love.  In “Ladyland,” child marriage is banned and education is encouraged amongst women. 

Quayum, the editor of The Essential Rokeya, explains Sultana’s Dream here: “In other words, the people of this land do not care about any extra-terrestrial power or adhering to a set of senseless rituals, but only the values that are directly beneficial to the human community and to the human soul” (Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, 1988, pp. 1-2).” (Hakeem, 2015).

 

Her take on the practice of purdah is also to be noted here, where she differentiated between the negative impact of the practice in that it ‘secludes’ women, at the same time, personally not being against adorning it as a way of dressing that she preferred. Thus, her call for emancipation of Muslim women was much deeper than the superficial aspects of how to dress etc. Her emphasis was on the provision of equal rights to women to educate themselves and fulfil their dreams and hence, break the shackles of the ‘secluded’ environment that is forced on them by the patriarchal set-up of society.

 

Her work, Sultana’s Dream, is also path-breaking in terms of the creativity and imagination that has gone into this writing. To write a novel that creates a utopian world and to convey a social message through it, was an exemplary accomplishment at the time. If Ayn Rand’s writings, “The Fountainhead” and “Atlas Shrugged” are best-sellers today, there is no reason why this visionary piece of work by Rokeya should not be treated as equally powerful, in the same genre of writings, that of utopian novels. The social structure of society existing in her time, despite which Rokeya was able to accomplish this feat, makes this work and other works written by her, all the more worthy of admiration. Her untiring efforts in spreading education among Muslim women by running a school and convincing families to send their girls to study are extremely praiseworthy and worth emulating.

 

Today, more than a century after Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain fought for the education and emancipation of women, this issue still plagues our society. There are people still fighting for the liberation of women. A century has not been enough time for us to provide equal status to women, as is provided to men. Yet, instead of trying to eradicate evils like gender discrimination from our society on a war footing, all the energies are being directed at proving a false sense of nationalism. The greatness of our cultural heritage is from such people, who have visualized much ahead of their times and have left no stone unturned in working towards their vision. This is the need of the hour, for us to know about such gems of our historical past, draw inspiration from them and chart the course of history in a direction that triumphs the principles of humanity.

 

Hakeem, S. (2015). The Writings of Rokeya Hossain: A pioneer of her time whose writings hold relevance today.

Mahmud, R. (2016). Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain: Tireless Fighter of Female Education and their Independence – A Textual Analysis . International Journal on Studies in English Language and Literature (IJSELL) , 40-48.

Hailing the vision of Rabindranath Tagore: Human over mechanical

I was recently reading Rabindranath Tagore’s essay on Nationalism and that was when the enormity, farsightedness and the sheer genius of his thoughts stuck me….and stuck me hard. While we are busy today, coming to terms with a whole new dimension that is being provided to the term ‘nationalism’, while we are busy defining and redefining the ways in which a ‘nation’ needs to be respected, while we are busy internalizing the code of conduct we need to follow at each and every of our movie outings in order to prove that we are deserving and true citizens of our nation, the man who wrote what came to be our national anthem, had, almost a century ago, laid bare before us the contours of a world that would idolize ‘nationalism’. And so accurate do his insights seem today that one could only be awestruck and gasp in admiration at the unmatched vision of the man.

His writings on Nationalism repeatedly warn about the possible threat that humanity faced from patriotism, and he always remained an unequivocal supporter for the triumph of humanity above all else. About a century ago, Tagore believed that nation as a political concept was something alien to India, and that India’s strength lay in not letting the mechanical concept of a nation rule over our hearts and minds, as had already happened in the West.

Today, a century later, the concept of a nation as a political entity has become so entrenched and omnipresent throughout the world that even a passing thought about an alternative world is treated as a thought crime and penalized. Yet, for those who wish to pause and reflect, the distant voice of this man in warning one and all of the dangers and pitfalls of blind and unchecked nationalism, could not be clearer and louder.

Nationalism, in today’s times, is enjoying unprecedented triumph over humanity, which lies bruised and battered, pushing hard at its vocal chords to be heard, craning its neck to be seen. The entrenchment of the nation state as a separate political and legal entity, apart from the living entities that compose it, has been made so completely unquestionable that humanity has been slowly and steadily strangulated and buried under the huge weight of this all-pervasive concept.

The political entity that is the nation reigns supreme. The boundaries that crisscross the entire physical mass of the earth today are more important than any number of human lives that may be inhabiting this physical space. The fact that this huge landmass with all its precise and well-defined lines, is still only that, mere flesh and bones with no heartbeats to make it alive, to make it meaningful, is only incidental. It does-not matter in the actual scheme of things. These heartbeats are easily dispensable, because there are so many of them, because there is an unending supply. What does one life matter in this whole big system that has been so meticulously developed and entrenched over ages? What difference does it make?

If this is the thought process that is behind the glorification of the mechanical over the human, if it is believed that hiding behind systems and processes and procedures is possible, to the extent that the human is totally extinguished from the face of the earth, if it is believed that individual human lives are mere cogs in the wheels of the huge machines in the shapes of the nation states, then this hubris is going to lead to a disaster with no precedent, a disaster for the mechanical though, not for the human.

Why I am confident of this is because every time a Liu Xiaobo is refused acknowledgement from this monster of a machine, every time an Irom Sharmila is forced into oblivion, every time a human life, and all the human emotions, dreams and aspirations associated with it, is thought worthy of sacrifice in the name of the absolute sanctity, inviolability and supremacy of the rule of mechanical over human, on each and every such occasion this machine will lose some of its cogs. These cogs will choose to break away from this giant machine and reclaim their humanity. The more the machine will try to run them over and accelerate its speed, the faster it will proceed towards its destruction, for that very acceleration will be the signal for more and more cogs to break away and reclaim themselves. The process from human to mechanical was a long drawn one, the reverse might be even more so, but howsoever gradual or lengthy it may be, the process of reversal is inevitable.

 

India: That what we make it

The Madhya Pradesh police has very magnanimously withdrawn the sedition charges against 15 men for allegedly celebrating the victory of the Pakistan cricket team over Team India in the finals of the ICC Champions Trophy. The men have now instead been booked under Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code, for disturbing communal harmony. As profoundly unbelievable as this seems, it is undoubtedly true. Furthermore, the Karnataka police arrested three persons for bursting crackers while allegedly celebrating Pakistan’s victory, and booked them under non-bailable and stringent sections, so that they remained behind bars. The clinching argument purportedly put forward is that the ‘accused’ had hurt religious sentiments. Again, as incomprehensible as this sounds, it is undoubtedly true.

I would like to quote a third instance here, that of a rape of a Dalit girl in Gujarat. The girl, having been first raped on June 10, and then further abused and beaten up by the police officials for seemingly trying to register an FIR against the accused, has failed till date to get a FIR registered. Instead, the case of rape has been converted into one of eve teasing and a complaint of eve teasing has been registered. In a fourth incident, Zafar Hussein, a CPI (M-L) leader in Rajasthan was lynched to death by the state employees for allegedly objecting to their taking photographs of women relieving themselves in the open, those women who do-not have any other option, what with one public toilet, with no water and flushing facilities catering to 3000 households in their basti! The gruesome story however does not end here, after lynching the man to death, the state employees also registered a case against him for trying to interfere with them in their official duties! Just for information here, public naming and shaming of people, especially women, forced to defecate in the open due to lack of facilities which the authorities are duty-bound to provide, is being used as a legitimate means of creating a clean India, under the Swachch Bharat Abhiyaan, in some states!

The first two incidents are a grim reminder of the overzealousness of the state in trying to redefine nationalism for all of us. A nation and the people that took pride in their unique heritage and culture, that was tolerant, receptive, large-hearted and absorptive, is being given a rude jolt. A nation with unmatched potential, both in terms of physical and human resources, would do much better to realize that potential completely if utilized its creative energies for some constructive purposes rather than whiling them away in arriving at a creative definition of nationalism. Would that not be the best way in which we could serve our nation? Would it not be proof enough of our love for our nation?

The latter two incidents are exemplary of the attitude that the authorities exude for the weak and the dispossessed. The basic human rights of the marginalized are being destroyed under the weight of authority and political intrigues. The very same people who are desperately keen on providing us with a rejuvenated version of their nationalism, somehow completely forget that these people who are being meted such shabby treatment, are legitimate parts of that very nation itself, which they are attempting to redefine.

The above instances and innumerable such instances which keep on repeating with a frequency that would have been unbelievable had it not been true, send shivers down my spine and leave me with a nauseating feeling. Yet, if the redefinition of nationalism needs to continue abated, then can we not define it in a way that actually takes the nation to glorious heights, rather than lead it towards unnecessary and unrewarding pursuits? Will the nation feel loved if its people raise it to the heights of glory that it truly deserves, by putting in their best in whatever they do, or will it feel loved if its own people actually inflict it with numerous cuts and bruises, such that it is forever bleeding?

These questions cannot be answered by anybody else for us, nor can they be ignored or wished away. Each and every one of us will have to answer it for ourselves, sooner rather than later, and will have to have the courage to live with all the consequences of that answer. I really hope that all of us are up to it.

 

 

The Oversimplification of the Kashmir Conundrum

In a recent article in The Wire, Partha Chaterjee had referred to the use of human shield in Kashmir, and its justification by the military and political establishment as Kashmir’s General Dyer moment. Vivek Katju has launched a spirited counter-attack to this claim of Partha Chaterjee. Katju states that, “It is one matter for an army to handle the breakdown of law and order for a short period as the colonial army of which Dyer was a part was asked to do; it is an entirely different proposition when an army has to combat a vicious and long war against terrorism. The latter, too, requires that an army adheres to norms even while it innovates, but the fact of the toll that fighting such terrorism exacts from an army and for that matter other instruments of the state cannot be overlooked. It is to the Indian army’s credit that its commitment to lawful means has never been diluted.” He further argues, “Rawat’s comments on the Gogoi case reflect the anguish of a chief whose soldiers have faced, and have done so for years, terrorism, and for months now stone pelting mobs who pose a danger to their lives. Is it fair to believe that soldiers caught up in such situations should not take steps to defend themselves? Surely that is not a sustainable position by any criterion.”

Though Partha Chaterjee has responded, restated and justified his position, I would like to take this opportunity to highlight just one simple fact, which is that when it comes to the Kashmir issue and any response to the same, I think we should all shy away from oversimplifying the debates and offering simplistic solutions. Not doubting even for a moment Shri Katju’s expertise on Kashmir, it would be a great help if he could graciously define lawful and unlawful for us. It would also be very enlightening if he could give his views on the nature of these ‘stone pelting mobs’. He has made the entire analysis of Kashmir’s problems a tad too simple I believe. The proposition, according to him, is very simple. It is a black and white case of Indian army having to fight decades of Pakistani sponsored terrorism in Kashmir. The lawful, legal, righteous Indian army and the Indian state trying to fend off the unlawful Pakistani terrorists in the valley. The entire issue, if it was so simple, would have ceased to have existed till now. Seven decades after independence, the Kashmir issue still eludes any workable solution and the people of Kashmir continue to suffer their fate. This, I believe, is the key thread that needs to be held on to tightly if any resolution of this issue is to be even conceived of. And this is the thread that does-not find even a bare minimum cognisance in the mind of Vivek Katju. The ‘stone-pelting mobs’ mentioned by Shri Katju as posing a threat to the lives of the fully armed personnel of the India army, are actually the ordinary citizens of Kashmir, and legitimate Indian citizens. They are normal civilians who want a decent life of dignity for themselves. I am sure Shri Katju is not suggesting that pelting stones in order to be lathi-charged, or hit by pellet guns, or even fatally wounded, is a favourite pastime of these people.

Whereas, the Indian army is definitely in an unenviable position having to manage insurgencies, which in ordinary situations, it is not trained for, because it is not their mandate, however, the extra-ordinary situation in Kashmir, since decades, has mandated them to perform this role. However, in carrying out that responsibility, basic human rights of civilians cannot be discounted for. The whole idea of using human shields for self-defence, rather than finding favour with the civilian as well as military top brass, should have been treated as one of misjudgement and an aberration not to be repeated again. However, unfortunately, it has taken different proportions altogether. If the army personnel are victims of the political process, much more are the ordinary civilians of Kashmir, who for generations altogether, have been part of a world that is unable to provide those basic minimum standards of a dignified human life. Using these very people, who are themselves victims of the situation, as instruments for self-protection, in whatsoever scenario, cannot be justified.

The Kashmiris will not be able to consider themselves as inalienable parts of India, if they are not meted out the treatment that every Indian citizen deserves. Forcing them to compromise on their basic human rights and then justifying the same is definitely not a step forward towards winning their confidence and trying to normalize the situation.

A soulless India

Come gather around people
Wherever you roam
And admit that the waters
Around you have grown
And accept it that soon
You’ll be drenched to the bone
And if your breath to you is worth saving
Then you better start swimming or you’ll sink like a stone
For the times they are a-changing

These are words of the iconic singer-songwriter Bob Dylan. I had listened to this song long time back but I can relate to it now more than ever. The people of our country seem to be the participants running a race. A race to win over the others. And the others may vary for everyone and they may keep changing from time to time but the Race remains constant. A race to achieve totalitarianism and to affirm ones allegiance to the political party. And these participants become the paragon of virtue as they kowtow to the ideals of the party.

The roads seem to be getting narrower and the Hindutva agenda expanding more than ever. The recent attack on Pehlu Khan on Alwar highway is an act of accomplishment of the Hindu Rashtra. While the slaughterhouses in UP are being shut down for killing animals without a license, killing of minorities is allowed as it’s in line with the party’s religious ideology.

Such incidents have become a routine affair and they seem be failing to flinch anyone anymore. The Union minister dismissed the version of events of the killing of a Muslim man by cow vigilante groups in Rajasthan’s Alwar. According to him, the version of events presented did not occur. This reminded me of a statement by George Orwell –

“Political Language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind”

This statement also holds true for Rajasthan’s home minister who said, “The Cow protectors have done a good job by protecting cows from smuggling. But they have violated the law by beating people brutally”.

First of all, saving cows and beating people are not two separate acts. As can be seen in multiple incidents across India, the duty of saving cows has often been accomplished by harassing and killing Muslims. This has been happening often and so, this statement by the minister is a pure political hogwash.

These communal incidents are becoming a commonplace and the religious fervor of the people who commit them are proud to be a participant of this mad race to fulfill their brutal agendas. With the streets getting bloodier and darker, turning a blind eye to such incidents could mean an end the delicate social fabric of love and mutual harmony of our country and converting minorities to mere statues and puppets divorced from their own religious ideologies.

We cannot see such a soulless India. This must never happen. Time to remember – Unity in diversity.

In desperate need of Social Reform

In desperate need of Social Reform

To be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others. And as long as poverty, injustice and gross inequality persist in our world, none of us can truly rest.

Above quote by Nelson Mandela forces us to think if we are really free and if our sense of satisfaction only relates to acknowledgement of superiority of one caste over the other. It’s true that India gained Independence in 1947 but it’s equally true that the chains of gross inequality have continued to entrap us. Did freedom only mean independence from the outsiders and a continuance of the dominance of upper caste over the lower castes and other minority communities? It would then be untrue to say India got independence in 1947 but rather only the majoritarian or the dominant communities of our society got that independence. The others continue to live in constant alienation with threats of either being forced to leave the country or live following the standards of Hindutva.

For non-Hindu communities and lower castes within the Hindu communities, Hindutva is an achievement of a goal set by the majoritarian community by coercing, threatening and even killing the others on mere suspicion of violating the unlawful guidelines set by the majoritarians. This has led to coining of the term “Saffron Terror” which, as per Wikipedia, is a neologism used to describe acts of violence motivated by Hindu nationalism perpetrated by members, or alleged members, of Hindu nationalist organizations close to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh(RSS) and Abhinav Bharat. The term comes from the symbolic use made of the saffron color by the Hindu nationalist organisations. This is evident in a number of cases such as 2002 Gujrat riots, 2007 Samjhauta Express bombings, 2007 Ajmer Dargah attack, 2008 Malegaon blasts, Mecca Masjid bombing and many others related to the oppression of Dalits.

These incidents have often suggested that India is in grave need of a social reform and a just society which grants the fulfillment of equal rights to everyone. A social reform takes the precedence over a political reform. This is mostly misunderstood with political reform taking the precedence or even complete suppressing the need for a social reform. A government which does not treat all its citizens equally cannot being about a social reform. Under such a government, favoritism will prevail and the fault lines of caste and gender discrimination will only continue to grow prompting an even stronger need for a social reform.

This is the time when the government will suppress every opposition and dissent making a social reform seem more difficult. But the citizens have to stand their ground and make every effort in a non-violent way to push for their demands and work towards a single goal of achieving equality among everyone in this society. There is a need to create forums, group discussions at institution / housing society levels to look for ways of achieving this goal. We need social reform desperately and political reform will follow. So, it not just about voting for a party and wait for the progress to happen but it is the duty of each individual to work in groups and achieve collective progress leading to a progressive society. It would then be easier to question a government for not doing its duties rather than sitting idle and just keep questioning. It’s the people and not the government that would bring about a social reform or at least people need to start and show the way to the government. If the governments could or even considered it as their duty of bringing about a social reform, we would have been living in a different world altogether.

मातृभाषा के माध्यम से शिक्षा का महत्व

भाषा संवाद का एक माध्यम है जिसका उपयोग विचारों के आदान-प्रदान के लिए किया जाता है। ये सामान्यतः मौखिक अथवा लिखित प्रकार की होती है। अमरीका के प्रसिद्ध भाषा-प्रवीण चार्ल्स डोककेट्ट ने मनुष्य भाषा को अन्य प्रकार की भाषाओं अथवा संवाद के प्रकारों से अलग करने के लिए एक उपयोगी सुझाव दिया था। उन्होने मनुष्य भाषा के कुछ प्रमुख लक्षण रेखांकित किए जिनके आधार पर मनुष्य भाषा को अन्य प्रकार की भाषाओं (जैसे जानवरों की भाषा) से विभाजित किया जा सकता है। एक लक्षण जो उन्होने रेखांकित किया वह था कि मनुष्य भाषा को सीखने की आवश्यकता होती है और यह एक व्यक्ति, समाज एवं अन्य मनुष्यों से, उनके मध्य रहने से, उनके साथ संवाद करने इत्यादि से अर्जित करता है। भाषा विशेषज्ञों ने शोध करके यह स्थापित किया है कि कोई भी व्यक्ति जो पहली भाषा अर्जित करता है, उसे अर्जित करने के लिए एक समय सीमा होती है जिसे ‘क्रिटिकल पीरियड’ कहा जाता है। अर्थात, यदि इस समय सीमा में व्यक्ति किसी कारण से पहली भाषा का ज्ञान अर्जित नहीं कर पाता तो इस अवधि के समाप्त होने के उपरांत वह व्यक्ति कोई भी भाषा सम्पूर्ण कुशलता से अर्जित नहीं कर पाएगा और हमेशा भाषा ज्ञान से हीन ही रह जाएगा। सामान्यतः यह अवधि व्यक्ति के लगभग 12 साल के होने तक मानी जाती है। भाषा विशेषज्ञों के सामने कुछ ऐसे केस भी आए हैं जिनके द्वारा ‘क्रिटिकल पीरियड’ के सिद्धांत की पुष्टि हुई है। उदाहरण स्वरूप, अमरीका में लॉस एंजिल्स में जीनी नामक एक कन्या का केस देखा गया है। जीनी को 13 वर्ष की उम्र में उसके घर से मुक्त किया गया। उसके माता पिता ने उसे एक अंधेरे कमरे में बांध कर रखा था और उससे किसी प्रकार की कोई बात-चीत नहीं की जाती थी। परिणाम स्वरूप जीनी कुछ शब्दों के अतिरिक्त कुछ बोल नहीं सकती थी। जब उसे भाषा ज्ञान दिया भी गया तब भी वह कुछ शब्द ही सीख पायी और वाक्य बनाना उसके लिए कभी संभव नहीं हो सका। उसके दिमाग पर शोध करने पर यह ज्ञात हुआ की उसके दिमाग का बायाँ भाग जो भाषा ज्ञान के लिए प्रयोग होता है, वह उचित प्रकार से विकसित ही नहीं हो पाया था और क्यूंकि वह अब लगभग 12 साल से ऊपर हो चुकी थी, बाएँ भाग का विकास अब संभव नहीं हो पा रहा था, अतः उसका भाषा ज्ञान भी विकसित नहीं हो सका। इस उदाहरण से इस बात की भी पुष्टि होती है कि भाषा ज्ञान के लिए (कम से कम पहली भाषा के विकास के लिए) समाज में सामान्य रूप से रहना, आपस में सामान्य रूप से वार्तालाप करना इत्यादि अत्यंत आवश्यक है। इस सामान्यता के अभाव में भाषा के सम्पूर्ण विकास की संभावना न्यूनतम हो जाती है। इसके साथ ही यह भी अत्यंत आवश्यक है कि यह सामान्यता हर बच्चे को कम से कम 12-13 वर्ष की आयु तक प्राप्त हो।

यह समझने के उपरांत कि भाषा क्या होती है तथा उस का ज्ञान किस प्रकार प्राप्त होता है, अब मातृभाषा, उसके ज्ञान और शिक्षा में उसके महत्व पर कुछ विस्तृत चर्चा करना उपयुक्त होगा। साधारण शब्दों में, मातृभाषा उसे कह सकते हैं जिसका उपयोग एक व्यक्ति के घर में सामान्य वार्तालाप में किया जाता हो। अतः कोई भी बच्चा सबसे पहले अपनी मातृभाषा के ही संपर्क में आता है और सबसे पहले उसे ही अर्जित करता है। मातृभाषा को अर्जित करना किसी भी बच्चे के लिए एक स्वाभाविक क्रिया होती है। कम से कम मौखिक स्तर पर मातृभाषा एक व्यक्ति द्वारा सबसे पहले और बिना किसी अतिरिक्त परिश्रम के अर्जित की जाती है। कोई भी व्यक्ति अपनी मातृभाषा में संवाद करने में अथवा उसका उपयोग करने में सबसे अधिक आश्वस्त महसूस करता है। इससे भी अधिकतर महत्व की बात यह है कि कोई भी व्यक्ति किसी भी भाषा में कितना भी प्रवीण क्यों ना हो, वह साधारणतः अपनी मातृभाषा में ही सोचता है।

यदि हम किसी प्रकार के भी ज्ञान अर्जन की बात करें तो उसे दो भागों में विभाजित किया जा सकता है। इसका विस्तार मैं एक उदाहरण के द्वारा करना चाहूंगी। कल्पना कीजिये कि आपको किसी विषय, जैसे कि, समाज शास्त्र का ज्ञान अर्जित करना है। यह ज्ञान अर्जित करने के लिए आपको इस विषय का मूल ज्ञान अर्जित करना होगा। परंतु उससे पूर्व इस विषय का मूल ज्ञान अर्जित करने के लिए आपके पास उस भाषा का ज्ञान होना अनिवार्य है जिस भाषा में यह मूल ज्ञान आप तक पहुंचेगा। यदि आपको इस मूल ज्ञान को कुशलता से अर्जित करना है तो यह अनिवार्य हो जाता है कि जिस भाषा में यह मूल ज्ञान आपको प्रस्तुत कराया जाये, उस भाषा में आप प्रवीण हों ताकि आपका सारा समय भाषा को समझने में ही न व्यतीत हो जाये। सामान्यतः हमारी मातृभाषा ही वह भाषा होती है जिसमें हमें अधिकतम प्रवीणता प्राप्त होती है। अतः मातृभाषा में शिक्षा का महत्व स्वतः ही प्रतीत है।

अब एक दूसरे दृष्टिकोण से सोचने का प्रयास करते हैं। कई बार खासकर भारत में यह देखा गया है कि बहुत से लोग अंग्रेज़ी भाषा में अपने विचारों को व्यक्त करने में सबसे ज़्यादा आश्वस्त महसूस करते हैं, हालांकि अंग्रेज़ी हमारी मातृभाषा नहीं है। इसका कारण यह हो सकता है कि इन व्यक्तियों ने अंग्रेज़ी भाषा का ज्ञान इतने कुशल रूप से अर्जित किया है कि वह सबसे ज़्यादा आश्वस्त इस भाषा में महसूस करते हैं। कुशल रूप से ज्ञान अर्जित करने के बाद उनके आश्वस्त होने का एक और कारण यह भी हो सकता है कि अंग्रेज़ी भाषा का अधिकतम उपयोग करने के कारण अब वह उसमें ही अधिक आश्वस्त महसूस करते हों। अगर हम कुछ और गंभीरता से विचार करें तो हमें यह स्पष्ट हो जाएगा कि किसी अन्य भाषा में प्रवीणता प्राप्त करने के लिए भी मातृभाषा में शुरुआती शिक्षा का ही महत्व है। क्योंकि यह स्पष्ट है कि सबसे पहले कोई भी व्यक्ति मातृभाषा से ही संपर्क में आता है, अतः दूसरी कोई भी भाषा अर्जित करने के लिए उसे अतिरिक्त परिश्रम करना पड़ता है, इसलिए यह भी स्पष्ट है कि दूसरी भाषा अर्जित करने के लिए अथवा उसको सबसे पहले समझने के लिए मातृभाषा का ही उपयोग किया जाएगा। अतः शिक्षा के विषय पर जो भी शोध हुए हैं उनमें भी ये ही सामने आया है की कम से कम शुरुआती शिक्षा के स्तर पर वही शिक्षा प्रणाली कारगर है जो मातृभाषा के माध्यम से अन्य विषयों (कम से कम दूसरी भाषाओं का ज्ञान) का ज्ञान प्रदान करे। इस प्रकार कम से कम प्राथमिक शिक्षा के लिए मातृभाषा का उपयोग अत्यंत महत्वपूर्ण माना गया है।

इसके अतिरिक्त भी भारत जैसे देश में, जहां अत्यधिक लोग बहुभाषी हैं एवं जहां हर प्रांत में एक अलग भाषा बोली जाती है, वहाँ मातृभाषा का शिक्षा प्रणाली में महत्व स्वतः ही बढ़ जाता है। इसे भी एक उदाहरण के द्वारा समझाने का मेरा प्रयत्न है। एक बहुभाषी देश में कार्य करने के लिए दो प्रान्तों के लोगों के बीच में एक ऐसी भाषा का होना आवश्यक है जो दोनों को अच्छे प्रकार से ज्ञात हो। इस दूसरी भाषा को कोई भी छात्र सुचारु रूप से तभी सीख पाएगा जब उस भाषा की शिक्षा मातृभाषा के उपयोग से प्रदान की जाये न कि छात्रों को केवल रटने पर मजबूर किया जाये। अतः मातृभाषा में कम से कम प्राथमिक शिक्षा के विकास से ही इस बहुभाषी देश को एक धागे में पिरो के रखा जा सकता है। जब तक मातृभाषा का उपयोग शिक्षा प्रणाली में सुचारु रूप से नहीं होगा तब तक अन्य किसी भाषा या विषय का ज्ञान भी सुचारु रूप से प्रदान करना संभव नहीं हो पाएगा। जिस प्रकार एक कमज़ोर नींव पर खड़ी इमारत अत्यधिक समय तक नहीं टिक सकती, उसी प्रकार मातृभाषा को महत्व न देकर यदि किसी अन्य भाषा के द्वारा शिक्षा अथवा दूसरी भाषाओं का ज्ञान प्रदान किया गया तो वह शिक्षा केवल ऊपरी स्तर तक ही सीमित रह जाएगी और कोई भी छात्र सम्पूर्ण रूप से अपने विचारों को विकसित एवं प्रसारित नहीं कर पाएगा।

एक और गौर करने वाली बात यह भी है कि भारत में आज भी केवल 10 प्रतिशत लोग ही अंग्रेज़ीभाषी हैं। इसके अतिरिक्त 30 से 40 प्रतिशत लोग हिंदीभाषी हैं (इनकी मातृभाषा हिन्दी ही है)। अन्य लोग अपनी-अपनी मातृभाषा (जो कि उनके प्रांत में बोली जाती है) का ही उपयोग करते हैं। अतः शिक्षा को सब तक पहुंचाने के लिए यह अनिवार्य ही हो जाता है कि मातृभाषा का प्रयोग शिक्षा प्रणाली में अधिकतम हो और मातृभाषा के माध्यम से उच्चतम कोटि की शिक्षा प्रदान की जाये।

अंततः जबकि मातृभाषा का शिक्षा में महत्व पूर्णतः सिध्ध हो चुका है, तथापि मैं यह ज़रूर कहना चाहूंगी कि केवल मातृभाषा तक सीमित रह जाना भी सही नहीं होगा। एक व्यक्ति के पूर्ण विकास के लिए और इस देश के विकास के लिए ऐसी भाषाओं के ज्ञान को भी प्रोत्साहित करना अत्यावश्यक है जो कि पूरे विश्व में मान्य हों (जैसे कि अंग्रेज़ी, जो विश्व में अधिकतम रूप से मान्य है), और जिनके उपयोग से हर भारतवासी देश-विदेश में सफलता प्राप्त कर सके।

Understanding the ‘constitution’ of our democracy

Understanding political science

Political science, in simple terms, is a branch of social science that deals with political institutions and processes, the structures and functions of the government and the state at various levels and the way the political power relationships work. A closer look at the theoretical and practical aspects of political science will reveal that its domain encompasses a study and understanding of the sources, structures, distribution and practices of power and resources. This would mean an in-depth understanding of the letter and spirit of the Constitution as the fountainhead, the various structures and functions emanating from it, and the interplay between these. The practice of political science, shall however, remain incomplete if it fails to study and understand the interface between politics and society and the role that politics and power plays in the day-to day life of an ordinary citizen.

Rationale for its inclusion in the teaching-learning process in schools

The day of the birth of an individual bestows upon her, among others, a political identity as well. An individual born in India, for example, becomes a citizen of India, by virtue of her having been born on the Indian soil. She now has certain rights and duties (some of them of course to be activated at an appropriate age) applicable to her in common with all the other citizens of India, drawn from the Constitution of India. Thus, any individual, by default, is also a political being and has a political identity which cannot be separated from her. Just as the individual is socialized into her family and the society, both by virtue of being a part of that family and society, and also through conscious efforts put in by the family and society; similarly, the individual, by virtue of being born in a particular form of political system, is circumscribed by the boundaries of that system, and hence, even if no particular effort is made to politically educate her, she will imbibe certain political character anyway. It, thus, becomes even more imperative for the education system to take up the responsibility of ensuring that the individual develops a mature understanding of the political system, is able to develop a voice and exercise her choices based on critical reasoning and holistic understanding of all the aspects in any given situation.

Political science, being a branch of the broader domain of social sciences, also carries the responsibilities that have been placed on the larger domain of social sciences. The Position Paper by the National Focus Group on Teaching of Social Sciences, 2006, explains the responsibilities placed on the domain of social sciences in the following terms: “The social sciences carry a normative responsibility to create and widen the popular base for human values, namely freedom, trust, mutual respect, respect for diversity, etc.”

The appropriate age of inclusion of teaching-learning of political science in schools

Having established the rationale behind the teaching-learning of political science, the next question that arises is what can be the suitable time for integrating discussions of this nature in the school curriculum. Here, it would be useful to take recourse to the Piagetian model of cognitive development. Piaget was a proponent of the constructivist theory of learning.

According to Piaget, when formal operational thought of cognitive development is attained (adolescence to adulthood), thinking in abstractions, formulation of hypotheses, understanding complex inter-relationships, etc., is possible. After this, no new structures are needed. According to this model, a child, after reaching the stage of upper-primary in school education, would thus be capable of formal operational thinking, hence the appropriateness of this age-group for the introduction of political science in schools, integrated with other social-science disciplines. The Position Paper by the National Focus Group on Teaching of Social Sciences, 2006, also seems to concur with the above inference.

The spaces for inclusion of teaching-learning of political science in schools

Proceeding now to the next logical question of how political science can be integrated seamlessly into the classroom. To understand this, we will have to deal with both the aspects of the teaching-learning process, i.e., curriculum and pedagogy.

Providing curricular space to political science

The Position Paper by the National Focus Group on Teaching of Social Sciences, 2006, and the National Curricular Framework, 2005 have acknowledged the need for providing curricular space to political science. Consequently, the nomenclature for “Civics” has been changed to “Social and Political Life”, for the upper-primary classes, in the NCERT curriculum. The textbooks for classes VI-VIII do a commendable job in living up to the objectives for social sciences teaching set out by NCF, 2005.

 

I would like to make a mention here of another three year supplementary curriculum designed by Avehi Abacus Organization for the students of classes V-VII. The Avehi Abacus project has been working with municipal schools and non-formal education centres in Mumbai and outside since 1990 (Avehi Abacus Team, Acknowledgements, 2001).Titled, Sangati, this curriculum is transacted in the form of six kits (two each) from classes V-VII in all the municipal schools of Mumbai. This three-year supplementary curriculum has been envisaged with a vision to fulfil the objectives of education, to ‘equip children with the knowledge and skills that they will need to face the world, to build values that will help them take care of themselves and contribute to the society they live in and to bring about a positive change in individuals and society’ (Avehi Abacus Team, Dear Teacher..., 2001). The fourth kit, namely, ‘The Way We Live’, turns the focus to the Indian society of today, the problems that we face and how these can be understood and resolved. Various issues are discussed in this kit, like, caste, religious and gender discrimination, economic inequalities, the meaning of patriotism and democracy, etc. The topics that have been discussed are all really relevant and which need to be understood by the students in their correct perspective for them to be able to contribute positively towards making our society a better place to live in. A very enabling curricular space has been created here for meaningful and relevant political discussions.

 

Political science and pedagogy

 

To render any curriculum effective, the classroom teaching needs to be able to shift from didactic to dialogic. Teachers need to be able to discuss each and every issue threadbare, keeping aside their biases and prejudices, and providing multifarious perspectives on viewpoints on things. Teachers need to be able to push students to think critically and reason things out. The classroom space needs to be such that teachers and students don’t have a hierarchical relationship where the teacher is supposed to know all and transmit that knowledge to students, but it should be a space where all are learners on the path of knowledge acquisition. The Vygotskian concept of “More knowledgeable other” and “scaffolding” can aptly describe such classrooms.

I would now like to exemplify how the creation of such an enabling environment is possible in the class. To do so, the backing of a strong and enabling curriculum is of utmost importance, because if so, the curriculum itself can sufficiently guide the teacher in steering the discussion in such a manner that it becomes interesting and challenges the minds of the students. As the Sangati curriculum (mentioned above), in my view performs this role to a near perfect level, I would like to borrow my example from this curriculum itself. In Kit IV of the curriculum, there is a session/chapter on ‘patriotism’. The ‘Main ideas’ sought to be conveyed through this chapter themselves give an indication of what is to follow. In brief, these aim at deconstructing the idea and meaning of the term ‘patriotism’, whether it means only to express one’s love for one’s country through symbolic acts or by hating the ‘enemy’ countries, or it can mean much more as in to fight problems like poverty, inequality, illiteracy, etc., and to realize one’s full potential to ultimately benefit the nation.

In order to convey these main ideas, there are various activities and interactive sessions envisaged, along with some meaningful questions, leading to certain open and critical discussions. As an example, the session/chapter begins with the story of Jarnail Singh, who is a 16-17 year old boy, and is writing a personal diary, wherein he conveys his dilemma of not wanting to join the armed forces while his entire family wants him to. Through the diary the ideas of what patriotism means, the various problems afflicting our society, and how Jarnail Singh wants to contribute towards ameliorating them, etc., are discussed. In the end, a very rich and meaningful discussion is attempted through questions like “Do you agree with Jarnail Singh’s view that there are many ways to serve your nation? Do you think Jarnail Singh is a patriot? Why? Should one’s patriotism make one hate other countries and fight wars with them? Students are further encouraged to think about and discuss various problems like corruption, inequality, etc.

Through such meaningful activities, discussions and questions, political science can be made really relevant, interesting, and meaningful in the classroom space. The above is a demonstration of the kind of pedagogy that can result in an enriching learning experience for students. I do believe that curricular support is essential for the creation of such a pedagogic space. However, determined, thoughtful and resourceful teachers can make a conscious attempt to do this even in the absence of an enabling curriculum, by going beyond the textbooks. For instance, the concept of democracy may not be limited to just “a government for the people, by the people, and of the people”. Meaningful discussions can be held around this topic like relationship of democracy and equality, is meaningful democracy possible in an unequal atmosphere, is democracy only a political concept or mandates the presence of at least some sort of egalitarianism to make it truly meaningful, etc. However, this is not many a time possible as the prejudices and biases of the teacher, her socialization into the dominant perspectives, etc., play a crucial role in dampening the impact.

I would also like to highlight the role of a force that is outside the curriculum and the pedagogy, but has a substantial role to play in shaping both of them, as also what the students gather from the interplay of both of these. This force is the prevailing political discourse of the day, which is predominantly shaped by the ideology of the political party in power. A visible impact of the prevailing political atmosphere was in the students’ understanding of the concept of patriotism, when I actually got a chance to interact with them during the course of my field study. In terms of the understanding of what ‘patriotism’ means, an overwhelming majority related it to symbolic acts of respecting the national symbols like national anthem, national flag, etc. They also looked in awe of the armed forces of the nation. Such an understanding seems to concur with the general mood prevailing in the society.

Conclusion

Having understood the inseparability of our political identity from us, it is not only desirable but imperative to provide a sound and mature guidance to children, so that they can become well-informed thinking individuals and citizens, and are able to make intelligent and well thought out choices in any situation they might encounter. The form and content of political science education though, should be such that it promotes critical thinking and understanding in students and an acknowledgement of the presence of diverse perspectives, rather than a meek submission to the dominant perspective. The creation of this enabling teaching-learning atmosphere requires an enabling curriculum, pedagogy, and most importantly the promotion of the development of an independent perspective in the educational institutions, not influenced by the political ideology and prevailing political atmosphere of the time. Meeting this last requirement seems most daunting and challenging and will require dedicated and sincere efforts by the political class, if at all there is a willingness to adhere to this goal.

 

 

References

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_science

National Focus Group. (2005). National Focus Group on Teaching of Social Sciences.

Piaget’s stages of Cognitive Development. www.saylor.org/site/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/psych406-5.3.2.pdf

Vygotsky’s theory of cognitive development

Textbook Development Committee. (2005). Equality in Indian Democracy. In T. D., Social and Political Life II. New Delhi: NCERT Textbook Publishing Bureau.

Textbook Development Committee. (2005). Key Elements of a Democratic Government. In T. D., Social and Political Life I (pp. 36-40). New Delhi: NCERT Textbook Publishing Bureau.

Avehi Abacus Project. (n.d.). Avehi Abacus Project. Retrieved from www.avehiabacus.org: http://www.avehiabacus.org/sangati.html

Avehi Abacus Team. (2001). Acknowledgements. In A. A., Myself, My Body, Our Needs Needs - Sangati Kit I. Mumbai: Avehi Abacus Project.

Avehi Abacus Team. (2001). Dear Teacher... In A. A., Myself, My Body, Our Needs : Sangati Kit I. Mumbai: Avehi Abacus Project.

Avehi Abacus Team. (2003). Patriotism. In A. A., The Way We Live: Sangati Kit IV. Mumbai: Avehi abacus Project.